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Towards a Theory of Subsegmental and Subfeatural Representations: The Phonology and Typology of Nasality- [electronic resource]
Towards a Theory of Subsegmental and Subfeatural Representations: The Phonology and Typology of Nasality- [electronic resource]
Detailed Information
- 자료유형
- 학위논문파일 국외
- 최종처리일시
- 20240214095911
- ISBN
- 9798380621724
- DDC
- 401
- 서명/저자
- Towards a Theory of Subsegmental and Subfeatural Representations: The Phonology and Typology of Nasality - [electronic resource]
- 발행사항
- [S.l.]: : University of California, Berkeley., 2021
- 발행사항
- Ann Arbor : : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses,, 2021
- 형태사항
- 1 online resource(165 p.)
- 주기사항
- Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-04, Section: A.
- 주기사항
- Advisor: Inkelas, Sharon;Michael, Lev.
- 학위논문주기
- Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 2021.
- 사용제한주기
- This item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
- 초록/해제
- 요약This study addresses one of the most fundamental questions in formal phonology, namely What are the units of phonological representation that grammars manipulate? Linguists have long assumed that segments and binary features are the basic atoms of phonological representations. The present study challenges this assumption by proposing that subsegmental units can be defined with respect to two distinct dimensions of representation: (i) the temporal dimension; and (ii) the spatial dimension, roughly equivalent to the physical magnitude of an articulatory gesture. I draw on two case studies providing instrumental data on two endangered Amazonian languages of Brazil, Panara [kre] and Kawaiwete [kyz]. Using oral and nasal airflow data, I show that, on the one hand, Panara exhibits a surface contrast between prenasalized oral stops [nt] and postoralized nasal stops [nt], which crucially differ in the extent of the duration of nasal airflow. On the other hand, Kawaiwete exhibits a distinction between fully oral, partially nasal, and fully nasal vowels, which crucially differ with respect to their degree of opening of the velo-pharyngeal port.The proposed representational model integrates the basic architecture of Q Theory (Inkelas & Shih 2016; 2017; Shih & Inkelas 2014; 2019) and subfeatural representations (Lionnet 2017) into a single unified framework. On the basis of the Panara data, I argue for Q theoretic subsegmental representations, which divide the segment into three quantized and linearly ordered subsegments, (q1 q2 q3). This architecture provides the level of granularity necessary to distinguish between post-oralized nasals and pre-nasalized obstruents, where the former is represented with two nasal subsegments followed by one oral subsegment, and the latter is represented with a single nasal subsegment followed by two oral subsegments. Building on these Q theoretic representations, I argue on the basis of Kawaiwete for a scalar decomposition of phonological features, where continuous values can be grouped into one of three possible subfeatural categories: [+F], [?F], and [-F]. In the case of the feature [nasal], I argue for three perceptibly distinct degrees of nasalization: fully nasal [+nasal], partially nasal [?nasal], and fully oral [-nasal]. I show that a model of phonological representations which makes use of both subsegments and subfeatures is not only able to account for the data from both Panara and Kawaiwete, but can also be extended to account for the full typology of phonological processes involving local nasalization or oralization.
- 일반주제명
- Linguistics.
- 일반주제명
- Language.
- 일반주제명
- Language arts.
- 키워드
- Nasality
- 키워드
- Phonology
- 기타저자
- University of California, Berkeley Linguistics
- 기본자료저록
- Dissertations Abstracts International. 85-04A.
- 기본자료저록
- Dissertation Abstract International
- 전자적 위치 및 접속
- 로그인 후 원문을 볼 수 있습니다.
MARC
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■00520240214095911
■006m o d
■007cr#unu||||||||
■020 ▼a9798380621724
■035 ▼a(MiAaPQ)AAI28870295
■040 ▼aMiAaPQ▼cMiAaPQ
■0820 ▼a401
■1001 ▼aLapierre, Myriam.
■24510▼aTowards a Theory of Subsegmental and Subfeatural Representations: The Phonology and Typology of Nasality▼h[electronic resource]
■260 ▼a[S.l.]:▼bUniversity of California, Berkeley. ▼c2021
■260 1▼aAnn Arbor :▼bProQuest Dissertations & Theses, ▼c2021
■300 ▼a1 online resource(165 p.)
■500 ▼aSource: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-04, Section: A.
■500 ▼aAdvisor: Inkelas, Sharon;Michael, Lev.
■5021 ▼aThesis (Ph.D.)--University of California, Berkeley, 2021.
■506 ▼aThis item must not be sold to any third party vendors.
■520 ▼aThis study addresses one of the most fundamental questions in formal phonology, namely What are the units of phonological representation that grammars manipulate? Linguists have long assumed that segments and binary features are the basic atoms of phonological representations. The present study challenges this assumption by proposing that subsegmental units can be defined with respect to two distinct dimensions of representation: (i) the temporal dimension; and (ii) the spatial dimension, roughly equivalent to the physical magnitude of an articulatory gesture. I draw on two case studies providing instrumental data on two endangered Amazonian languages of Brazil, Panara [kre] and Kawaiwete [kyz]. Using oral and nasal airflow data, I show that, on the one hand, Panara exhibits a surface contrast between prenasalized oral stops [nt] and postoralized nasal stops [nt], which crucially differ in the extent of the duration of nasal airflow. On the other hand, Kawaiwete exhibits a distinction between fully oral, partially nasal, and fully nasal vowels, which crucially differ with respect to their degree of opening of the velo-pharyngeal port.The proposed representational model integrates the basic architecture of Q Theory (Inkelas & Shih 2016; 2017; Shih & Inkelas 2014; 2019) and subfeatural representations (Lionnet 2017) into a single unified framework. On the basis of the Panara data, I argue for Q theoretic subsegmental representations, which divide the segment into three quantized and linearly ordered subsegments, (q1 q2 q3). This architecture provides the level of granularity necessary to distinguish between post-oralized nasals and pre-nasalized obstruents, where the former is represented with two nasal subsegments followed by one oral subsegment, and the latter is represented with a single nasal subsegment followed by two oral subsegments. Building on these Q theoretic representations, I argue on the basis of Kawaiwete for a scalar decomposition of phonological features, where continuous values can be grouped into one of three possible subfeatural categories: [+F], [?F], and [-F]. In the case of the feature [nasal], I argue for three perceptibly distinct degrees of nasalization: fully nasal [+nasal], partially nasal [?nasal], and fully oral [-nasal]. I show that a model of phonological representations which makes use of both subsegments and subfeatures is not only able to account for the data from both Panara and Kawaiwete, but can also be extended to account for the full typology of phonological processes involving local nasalization or oralization.
■590 ▼aSchool code: 0028.
■650 4▼aLinguistics.
■650 4▼aLanguage.
■650 4▼aLanguage arts.
■653 ▼aAmazonian languages
■653 ▼aNasality
■653 ▼aPhonology
■653 ▼aSegmental representations
■653 ▼aSubfeatural representations
■690 ▼a0290
■690 ▼a0279
■690 ▼a0679
■71020▼aUniversity of California, Berkeley▼bLinguistics.
■7730 ▼tDissertations Abstracts International▼g85-04A.
■773 ▼tDissertation Abstract International
■790 ▼a0028
■791 ▼aPh.D.
■792 ▼a2021
■793 ▼aEnglish
■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T16931096▼nKERIS▼z이 자료의 원문은 한국교육학술정보원에서 제공합니다.
■980 ▼a202402▼f2024
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