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Agreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic
Agreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic
Agreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic

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자료유형  
 학위논문 서양
최종처리일시  
20250211152812
ISBN  
9798384081326
DDC  
401
저자명  
Sellami, Zeineb.
서명/저자  
Agreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic
발행사항  
[Sl] : The University of Chicago, 2024
발행사항  
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2024
형태사항  
386 p
주기사항  
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-03, Section: A.
주기사항  
Advisor: Arregi, Karlos.
학위논문주기  
Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Chicago, 2024.
초록/해제  
요약This dissertation investigates the difference between ϕ-agreement and clitic doubling using Tunisian (Maghrebi) and Palestinian (Levantine) Arabic as an empirical ground: I look at the same series of morphophonological clitics in both dialects, in four different contexts, and show that we can distinguish two syntactic types: Doubling clitics and agreement clitics.Following Saab (2024), I defend a tripartite taxonomy of clitics, where doubling clitics are neither pronouns nor agreement, but at a discrete stage on the grammaticalization path between the former and the latter. I analyze doubling clitics as heads that are part of the extended projection of the verb (Sportiche 1996; Saab 2024), with the clitic head cl as a µ-binder (Buring 2004), requiring an element in its specifier binding a trace or a pronoun (Hewett 2023c). By contrast, pronominal clitics are Ds with an elided NP complement (Elbourne 2005), and agreement clitics are the realization of a ϕ-probe in T.The first part of the dissertation is dedicated to the coordination diagnostic (Ostrove 2018; Paparounas and Salzmann 2023b), which predicts that only first conjunct agreement should obtain, not first conjunct clitic doubling, as the latter would involve a type of movement violating the Coordinate Structure Constraint. In Arabic, clitic doubling of a first conjunct lexical DP is impossible, but that of a first conjunct pronoun is acceptable. This follows from the nature of CL◦ : As a µ-binder, it either requires movement of an element to its specifier to bind a trace, or it can bind a resumptive pronoun. Thus, with lexical DPs, the entire &P must move to the specifier of CL◦ , whereas a pronominal first conjunct can remain in-situ and be bound by an element base-generated in that specifier. In the second part of the dissertation, I apply other diagnostics from the literature, in addition to exploring internal evidence from Arabic, showing that doubling clitics and agreement clitics consistently pattern differently: Doubling clitics obey semantic/pragmatic restrictions, are sensitive to the features of the argument they cross-reference, don't have a default realization, etc. Agreement clitics have none of these restrictions, they act like subject-verb agreement and are even in complementary distribution with verbs. I explain some properties of doubling clitics synchronically, by the nature of CL◦ , while others (like its pragmatic restrictions) follow from the diachronic development of this construction, which I propose is the result of grammaticalization of right dislocation. As for agreement clitics, I propose that they are the result of the grammaticalization of subject pronouns as agreement markers becoming the surface realization of T◦ when no verb has moved to that head.Thus, I show that the same clitic series is actually the surface result of two different syntactic processes. I explain the difference between the two syntactic processes as the outcome of different diachronic developments which are both on the same general grammaticalization path from pronouns to agreement.
일반주제명  
Linguistics
일반주제명  
Language
일반주제명  
Middle Eastern studies
일반주제명  
Sociolinguistics
키워드  
Agreement
키워드  
Arabic dialects
키워드  
Binding
키워드  
Clitic doubling
키워드  
Palestinian
키워드  
Tunisian
기타저자  
The University of Chicago Linguistics
기본자료저록  
Dissertations Abstracts International. 86-03A.
전자적 위치 및 접속  
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MARC

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■035    ▼a(MiAaPQ)AAI31558103
■040    ▼aMiAaPQ▼cMiAaPQ
■0820  ▼a401
■1001  ▼aSellami,  Zeineb.
■24510▼aAgreement  and  Clitic  Doubling  in  Arabic
■260    ▼a[Sl]▼bThe  University  of  Chicago▼c2024
■260  1▼aAnn  Arbor▼bProQuest  Dissertations  &  Theses▼c2024
■300    ▼a386  p
■500    ▼aSource:  Dissertations  Abstracts  International,  Volume:  86-03,  Section:  A.
■500    ▼aAdvisor:  Arregi,  Karlos.
■5021  ▼aThesis  (Ph.D.)--The  University  of  Chicago,  2024.
■520    ▼aThis  dissertation  investigates  the  difference  between  ϕ-agreement  and  clitic  doubling  using  Tunisian  (Maghrebi)  and  Palestinian  (Levantine)  Arabic  as  an  empirical  ground:  I  look  at  the  same  series  of  morphophonological  clitics  in  both  dialects,  in  four  different  contexts,  and  show  that  we  can  distinguish  two  syntactic  types:  Doubling  clitics  and  agreement  clitics.Following  Saab  (2024),  I  defend  a  tripartite  taxonomy  of  clitics,  where  doubling  clitics  are  neither  pronouns  nor  agreement,  but  at  a  discrete  stage  on  the  grammaticalization  path  between  the  former  and  the  latter.  I  analyze  doubling  clitics  as  heads  that  are  part  of  the  extended  projection  of  the  verb  (Sportiche  1996;  Saab  2024),  with  the  clitic  head  cl  as  a  µ-binder  (Buring  2004),  requiring  an  element  in  its  specifier  binding  a  trace  or  a  pronoun  (Hewett  2023c).  By  contrast,  pronominal  clitics  are  Ds  with  an  elided  NP  complement  (Elbourne  2005),  and  agreement  clitics  are  the  realization  of  a  ϕ-probe  in  T.The  first  part  of  the  dissertation  is  dedicated  to  the  coordination  diagnostic  (Ostrove  2018;  Paparounas  and  Salzmann  2023b),  which  predicts  that  only  first  conjunct  agreement  should  obtain,  not  first  conjunct  clitic  doubling,  as  the  latter  would  involve  a  type  of  movement  violating  the  Coordinate  Structure  Constraint.  In  Arabic,  clitic  doubling  of  a  first  conjunct  lexical  DP  is  impossible,  but  that  of  a  first  conjunct  pronoun  is  acceptable.  This  follows  from  the  nature  of  CL◦  :  As  a  µ-binder,  it  either  requires  movement  of  an  element  to  its  specifier  to  bind  a  trace,  or  it  can  bind  a  resumptive  pronoun.  Thus,  with  lexical  DPs,  the  entire  &P  must  move  to  the  specifier  of  CL◦  ,  whereas  a  pronominal  first  conjunct  can  remain  in-situ  and  be  bound  by  an  element  base-generated  in  that  specifier. In  the  second  part  of  the  dissertation,  I  apply  other  diagnostics  from  the  literature,  in  addition  to  exploring  internal  evidence  from  Arabic,  showing  that  doubling  clitics  and  agreement  clitics  consistently  pattern  differently:  Doubling  clitics  obey  semantic/pragmatic  restrictions,  are  sensitive  to  the  features  of  the  argument  they  cross-reference,  don't  have  a  default  realization,  etc.  Agreement  clitics  have  none  of  these  restrictions,  they  act  like  subject-verb  agreement  and  are  even  in  complementary  distribution  with  verbs.  I  explain  some  properties  of  doubling  clitics  synchronically,  by  the  nature  of  CL◦  ,  while  others  (like  its  pragmatic  restrictions)  follow  from  the  diachronic  development  of  this  construction,  which  I  propose  is  the  result  of  grammaticalization  of  right  dislocation.  As  for  agreement  clitics,  I  propose  that  they  are  the  result  of  the  grammaticalization  of  subject  pronouns  as  agreement  markers  becoming  the  surface  realization  of  T◦  when  no  verb  has  moved  to  that  head.Thus,  I  show  that  the  same  clitic  series  is  actually  the  surface  result  of  two  different  syntactic  processes.  I  explain  the  difference  between  the  two  syntactic  processes  as  the  outcome  of  different  diachronic  developments  which  are  both  on  the  same  general  grammaticalization  path  from  pronouns  to  agreement.
■590    ▼aSchool  code:  0330.
■650  4▼aLinguistics
■650  4▼aLanguage
■650  4▼aMiddle  Eastern  studies
■650  4▼aSociolinguistics
■653    ▼aAgreement
■653    ▼aArabic  dialects
■653    ▼aBinding
■653    ▼aClitic  doubling
■653    ▼aPalestinian
■653    ▼aTunisian
■690    ▼a0290
■690    ▼a0555
■690    ▼a0679
■690    ▼a0636
■71020▼aThe  University  of  Chicago▼bLinguistics.
■7730  ▼tDissertations  Abstracts  International▼g86-03A.
■790    ▼a0330
■791    ▼aPh.D.
■792    ▼a2024
■793    ▼aEnglish
■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T17163942▼nKERIS▼z이  자료의  원문은  한국교육학술정보원에서  제공합니다.

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