서브메뉴
검색
Agreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic
Agreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic
상세정보
- 자료유형
- 학위논문 서양
- 최종처리일시
- 20250211152812
- ISBN
- 9798384081326
- DDC
- 401
- 저자명
- Sellami, Zeineb.
- 서명/저자
- Agreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic
- 발행사항
- [Sl] : The University of Chicago, 2024
- 발행사항
- Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2024
- 형태사항
- 386 p
- 주기사항
- Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-03, Section: A.
- 주기사항
- Advisor: Arregi, Karlos.
- 학위논문주기
- Thesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Chicago, 2024.
- 초록/해제
- 요약This dissertation investigates the difference between ϕ-agreement and clitic doubling using Tunisian (Maghrebi) and Palestinian (Levantine) Arabic as an empirical ground: I look at the same series of morphophonological clitics in both dialects, in four different contexts, and show that we can distinguish two syntactic types: Doubling clitics and agreement clitics.Following Saab (2024), I defend a tripartite taxonomy of clitics, where doubling clitics are neither pronouns nor agreement, but at a discrete stage on the grammaticalization path between the former and the latter. I analyze doubling clitics as heads that are part of the extended projection of the verb (Sportiche 1996; Saab 2024), with the clitic head cl as a µ-binder (Buring 2004), requiring an element in its specifier binding a trace or a pronoun (Hewett 2023c). By contrast, pronominal clitics are Ds with an elided NP complement (Elbourne 2005), and agreement clitics are the realization of a ϕ-probe in T.The first part of the dissertation is dedicated to the coordination diagnostic (Ostrove 2018; Paparounas and Salzmann 2023b), which predicts that only first conjunct agreement should obtain, not first conjunct clitic doubling, as the latter would involve a type of movement violating the Coordinate Structure Constraint. In Arabic, clitic doubling of a first conjunct lexical DP is impossible, but that of a first conjunct pronoun is acceptable. This follows from the nature of CL◦ : As a µ-binder, it either requires movement of an element to its specifier to bind a trace, or it can bind a resumptive pronoun. Thus, with lexical DPs, the entire &P must move to the specifier of CL◦ , whereas a pronominal first conjunct can remain in-situ and be bound by an element base-generated in that specifier. In the second part of the dissertation, I apply other diagnostics from the literature, in addition to exploring internal evidence from Arabic, showing that doubling clitics and agreement clitics consistently pattern differently: Doubling clitics obey semantic/pragmatic restrictions, are sensitive to the features of the argument they cross-reference, don't have a default realization, etc. Agreement clitics have none of these restrictions, they act like subject-verb agreement and are even in complementary distribution with verbs. I explain some properties of doubling clitics synchronically, by the nature of CL◦ , while others (like its pragmatic restrictions) follow from the diachronic development of this construction, which I propose is the result of grammaticalization of right dislocation. As for agreement clitics, I propose that they are the result of the grammaticalization of subject pronouns as agreement markers becoming the surface realization of T◦ when no verb has moved to that head.Thus, I show that the same clitic series is actually the surface result of two different syntactic processes. I explain the difference between the two syntactic processes as the outcome of different diachronic developments which are both on the same general grammaticalization path from pronouns to agreement.
- 일반주제명
- Linguistics
- 일반주제명
- Language
- 일반주제명
- Middle Eastern studies
- 일반주제명
- Sociolinguistics
- 키워드
- Agreement
- 키워드
- Arabic dialects
- 키워드
- Binding
- 키워드
- Clitic doubling
- 키워드
- Palestinian
- 키워드
- Tunisian
- 기타저자
- The University of Chicago Linguistics
- 기본자료저록
- Dissertations Abstracts International. 86-03A.
- 전자적 위치 및 접속
- 로그인 후 원문을 볼 수 있습니다.
MARC
008250123s2024 us c eng d■001000017163942
■00520250211152812
■006m o d
■007cr#unu||||||||
■020 ▼a9798384081326
■035 ▼a(MiAaPQ)AAI31558103
■040 ▼aMiAaPQ▼cMiAaPQ
■0820 ▼a401
■1001 ▼aSellami, Zeineb.
■24510▼aAgreement and Clitic Doubling in Arabic
■260 ▼a[Sl]▼bThe University of Chicago▼c2024
■260 1▼aAnn Arbor▼bProQuest Dissertations & Theses▼c2024
■300 ▼a386 p
■500 ▼aSource: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-03, Section: A.
■500 ▼aAdvisor: Arregi, Karlos.
■5021 ▼aThesis (Ph.D.)--The University of Chicago, 2024.
■520 ▼aThis dissertation investigates the difference between ϕ-agreement and clitic doubling using Tunisian (Maghrebi) and Palestinian (Levantine) Arabic as an empirical ground: I look at the same series of morphophonological clitics in both dialects, in four different contexts, and show that we can distinguish two syntactic types: Doubling clitics and agreement clitics.Following Saab (2024), I defend a tripartite taxonomy of clitics, where doubling clitics are neither pronouns nor agreement, but at a discrete stage on the grammaticalization path between the former and the latter. I analyze doubling clitics as heads that are part of the extended projection of the verb (Sportiche 1996; Saab 2024), with the clitic head cl as a µ-binder (Buring 2004), requiring an element in its specifier binding a trace or a pronoun (Hewett 2023c). By contrast, pronominal clitics are Ds with an elided NP complement (Elbourne 2005), and agreement clitics are the realization of a ϕ-probe in T.The first part of the dissertation is dedicated to the coordination diagnostic (Ostrove 2018; Paparounas and Salzmann 2023b), which predicts that only first conjunct agreement should obtain, not first conjunct clitic doubling, as the latter would involve a type of movement violating the Coordinate Structure Constraint. In Arabic, clitic doubling of a first conjunct lexical DP is impossible, but that of a first conjunct pronoun is acceptable. This follows from the nature of CL◦ : As a µ-binder, it either requires movement of an element to its specifier to bind a trace, or it can bind a resumptive pronoun. Thus, with lexical DPs, the entire &P must move to the specifier of CL◦ , whereas a pronominal first conjunct can remain in-situ and be bound by an element base-generated in that specifier. In the second part of the dissertation, I apply other diagnostics from the literature, in addition to exploring internal evidence from Arabic, showing that doubling clitics and agreement clitics consistently pattern differently: Doubling clitics obey semantic/pragmatic restrictions, are sensitive to the features of the argument they cross-reference, don't have a default realization, etc. Agreement clitics have none of these restrictions, they act like subject-verb agreement and are even in complementary distribution with verbs. I explain some properties of doubling clitics synchronically, by the nature of CL◦ , while others (like its pragmatic restrictions) follow from the diachronic development of this construction, which I propose is the result of grammaticalization of right dislocation. As for agreement clitics, I propose that they are the result of the grammaticalization of subject pronouns as agreement markers becoming the surface realization of T◦ when no verb has moved to that head.Thus, I show that the same clitic series is actually the surface result of two different syntactic processes. I explain the difference between the two syntactic processes as the outcome of different diachronic developments which are both on the same general grammaticalization path from pronouns to agreement.
■590 ▼aSchool code: 0330.
■650 4▼aLinguistics
■650 4▼aLanguage
■650 4▼aMiddle Eastern studies
■650 4▼aSociolinguistics
■653 ▼aAgreement
■653 ▼aArabic dialects
■653 ▼aBinding
■653 ▼aClitic doubling
■653 ▼aPalestinian
■653 ▼aTunisian
■690 ▼a0290
■690 ▼a0555
■690 ▼a0679
■690 ▼a0636
■71020▼aThe University of Chicago▼bLinguistics.
■7730 ▼tDissertations Abstracts International▼g86-03A.
■790 ▼a0330
■791 ▼aPh.D.
■792 ▼a2024
■793 ▼aEnglish
■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T17163942▼nKERIS▼z이 자료의 원문은 한국교육학술정보원에서 제공합니다.


