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Essays on Economics of Education
Essays on Economics of Education
Essays on Economics of Education

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자료유형  
 학위논문 서양
최종처리일시  
20250211152031
ISBN  
9798383193983
DDC  
370
저자명  
Morales Cerda, Matias.
서명/저자  
Essays on Economics of Education
발행사항  
[Sl] : New York University, 2024
발행사항  
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2024
형태사항  
119 p
주기사항  
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 86-01, Section: A.
주기사항  
Advisor: Dehejia, Rajeev.
학위논문주기  
Thesis (Ph.D.)--New York University, 2024.
초록/해제  
요약This dissertation presents a collection of three essays on Economics of Education. The first essay in Chapter 1 studies what are the consequences for students that switch schools, and what drives their decision to do so in the context of Chile's school choice system. It proposes a puzzle of three pieces: first, students do not react to changes in the relative quality of schools by switching, despite their ability to do so every year; second, the consequences of switching schools voluntarily are at least non-negative; and third, turnover at the school-level has only mild externalities on students that do not switch schools.Then, the essay explores to what extent inertia in families' preferences for schools can explain the lack of switching. It does so by estimating a demand for schools incorporating a switching cost that captures the unwillingness of families to leave their schools, after considering changes in the attributes across schools and over time. I allow for two sources of inertia: one stemming from the cost of seeking information on new schools, and another stemming from all other reasons that might deter families from switching, such as leaving school communities behind, that I call a fixed cost.I find that families are willing to pay the information cost only if to move from a school in the median of the cognitive test score distribution to one in the 75th percentile. Then, to make progress in disentangling the components of the fixed cost, I collect information on a random sample of Chilean parents on their reasons to not switch schools. I find that the presence of friends and specific teachers are also strong sources of inertia and deter families from switching schools. I show suggestive evidence that this inertia turns the demand for schools -to some extent- captive, which in turn dilutes the incentives for schools to compete against each other, thus providing lower value added than if faced stronger competition.The second essay in Chapter 2 answers two questions. First, is there any negative effect on academic performance arising from studying in a school which student body is socioeconomically disadvantaged? The answer to this question is yes, and I arrive to it by comparing the outcomes of students within the same schools but attending different grade levels, with different shares of disadvantaged students. This approach allows me to isolate the effect of peers from that of school inputs and give a causal interpretation to my results. I find that for each additional percentage point in the share of disadvantaged students, test scores fall by around 0.0013 SD, depending on students' (dis)advantage status and the test subject. Moreover, descriptive evidence indicates that the effect is highly nonlinear, as the effect grows with the disadvantaged students concentration.Then, the second question is: can a program targeting additional resources to schools with high shares of disadvantaged students offset the former effect? The answer is a categorical no. I arrive to this conclusion taking advantage of the architecture of the program, which allocates additional resources in a discontinuous way. This allows me to employ an RDD estimation and compare schools that are observably similar, but that face different budgets. To understand the puzzling conclusion, I collect data on several school inputs, and I find that total spending per student, spending on learning resources, and student-to-teacher ratios do not change at the cutoffs stipulated by the policy. The third essay in Chapter 3 is a paper co-authored with Fidel Bennett and Dante Contreras, published in the International Journal of Educational Development. It answers: what is the effect of being expelled from school on the probability of dropping out from the system altogether? Answering such a question is highly policy-relevant, as measures of exclusionary discipline exist across countries. These aim to benefit the school community by excluding problematic students. We find that sanctioned students are 4.8 percentage points more likely to drop out than non- sanctioned students. The consequences of expulsions are particularly harmful for students in public schools, men, retained students, and those meeting the legal working age. Also, immediately expelling a student -as opposed to expelling at the end of the school year- increases the baseline probability of dropout by three times. These costs of exclusionary discipline are not offset by clear gains in academic performance of expelled students' classmates. Taken together, these results call for alternative methods to improve school discipline and strengthen support policies to minimize the harm of expulsions.
일반주제명  
Education
일반주제명  
Education policy
키워드  
School communities
키워드  
Public schools
키워드  
Chilean parents
키워드  
School discipline
키워드  
Problematic students
기타저자  
New York University Robert F Wagner Graduate School of Public Service
기본자료저록  
Dissertations Abstracts International. 86-01A.
전자적 위치 및 접속  
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■24510▼aEssays  on  Economics  of  Education
■260    ▼a[Sl]▼bNew  York  University▼c2024
■260  1▼aAnn  Arbor▼bProQuest  Dissertations  &  Theses▼c2024
■300    ▼a119  p
■500    ▼aSource:  Dissertations  Abstracts  International,  Volume:  86-01,  Section:  A.
■500    ▼aAdvisor:  Dehejia,  Rajeev.
■5021  ▼aThesis  (Ph.D.)--New  York  University,  2024.
■520    ▼aThis  dissertation  presents  a  collection  of  three  essays  on  Economics  of  Education.  The  first  essay  in  Chapter  1  studies  what  are  the  consequences  for  students  that  switch  schools,  and  what  drives  their  decision  to  do  so  in  the  context  of  Chile's  school  choice  system.  It  proposes  a  puzzle  of  three  pieces:  first,  students  do  not  react  to  changes  in  the  relative  quality  of  schools  by  switching,  despite  their  ability  to  do  so  every  year;  second,  the  consequences  of  switching  schools  voluntarily  are  at  least  non-negative;  and  third,  turnover  at  the  school-level  has  only  mild  externalities  on  students  that  do  not  switch  schools.Then,  the  essay  explores  to  what  extent  inertia  in  families'  preferences  for  schools  can  explain  the  lack  of  switching.  It  does  so  by  estimating  a  demand  for  schools  incorporating  a  switching  cost  that  captures  the  unwillingness  of  families  to  leave  their  schools,  after  considering  changes  in  the  attributes  across  schools  and  over  time.  I  allow  for  two  sources  of  inertia:  one  stemming  from  the  cost  of  seeking  information  on  new  schools,  and  another  stemming  from  all  other  reasons  that  might  deter  families  from  switching,  such  as  leaving  school  communities  behind,  that  I  call  a  fixed  cost.I  find  that  families  are  willing  to  pay  the  information  cost  only  if  to  move  from  a  school  in  the  median  of  the  cognitive  test  score  distribution  to  one  in  the  75th  percentile.  Then,  to  make  progress  in  disentangling  the  components  of  the  fixed  cost,  I  collect  information  on  a  random  sample  of  Chilean  parents  on  their  reasons  to  not  switch  schools.  I  find  that  the  presence  of  friends  and  specific  teachers  are  also  strong  sources  of  inertia  and  deter  families  from  switching  schools.  I  show  suggestive  evidence  that  this  inertia  turns  the  demand  for  schools  -to  some  extent-  captive,  which  in  turn  dilutes  the  incentives  for  schools  to  compete  against  each  other,  thus  providing  lower  value  added  than  if  faced  stronger  competition.The  second  essay  in  Chapter  2  answers  two  questions.  First,  is  there  any  negative  effect  on  academic  performance  arising  from  studying  in  a  school  which  student  body  is  socioeconomically  disadvantaged?  The  answer  to  this  question  is  yes,  and  I  arrive  to  it  by  comparing  the  outcomes  of  students  within  the  same  schools  but  attending  different  grade  levels,  with  different  shares  of  disadvantaged  students.  This  approach  allows  me  to  isolate  the  effect  of  peers  from  that  of  school  inputs  and  give  a  causal  interpretation  to  my  results.  I  find  that  for  each  additional  percentage  point  in  the  share  of  disadvantaged  students,  test  scores  fall  by  around  0.0013  SD,  depending  on  students'  (dis)advantage  status  and  the  test  subject.  Moreover,  descriptive  evidence  indicates  that  the  effect  is  highly  nonlinear,  as  the  effect  grows  with  the  disadvantaged  students  concentration.Then,  the  second  question  is:  can  a  program  targeting  additional  resources  to  schools  with  high  shares  of  disadvantaged  students  offset  the  former  effect?  The  answer  is  a  categorical  no.  I  arrive  to  this  conclusion  taking  advantage  of  the  architecture  of  the  program,  which  allocates  additional  resources  in  a  discontinuous  way.  This  allows  me  to  employ  an  RDD  estimation  and  compare  schools  that  are  observably  similar,  but  that  face  different  budgets.  To  understand  the  puzzling  conclusion,  I  collect  data  on  several  school  inputs,  and  I  find  that  total  spending  per  student,  spending  on  learning  resources,  and  student-to-teacher  ratios  do  not  change  at  the  cutoffs  stipulated  by  the  policy. The  third  essay  in  Chapter  3  is  a  paper  co-authored  with  Fidel  Bennett  and  Dante  Contreras,  published  in  the  International  Journal  of  Educational  Development.  It  answers:  what  is  the  effect  of  being  expelled  from  school  on  the  probability  of  dropping  out  from  the  system  altogether?  Answering  such  a  question  is  highly  policy-relevant,  as  measures  of  exclusionary  discipline  exist  across  countries.  These  aim  to  benefit  the  school  community  by  excluding  problematic  students.  We  find  that  sanctioned  students  are  4.8  percentage  points  more  likely  to  drop  out  than  non-  sanctioned  students.  The  consequences  of  expulsions  are  particularly  harmful  for  students  in  public  schools,  men,  retained  students,  and  those  meeting  the  legal  working  age.  Also,  immediately  expelling  a  student  -as  opposed  to  expelling  at  the  end  of  the  school  year-  increases  the  baseline  probability  of  dropout  by  three  times.  These  costs  of  exclusionary  discipline  are  not  offset  by  clear  gains  in  academic  performance  of  expelled  students'  classmates.  Taken  together,  these  results  call  for  alternative  methods  to  improve  school  discipline  and  strengthen  support  policies  to  minimize  the  harm  of  expulsions.
■590    ▼aSchool  code:  0146.
■650  4▼aEducation
■650  4▼aEducation  policy
■653    ▼aSchool  communities
■653    ▼aPublic  schools
■653    ▼aChilean  parents
■653    ▼aSchool  discipline
■653    ▼aProblematic  students
■690    ▼a0501
■690    ▼a0515
■690    ▼a0458
■71020▼aNew  York  University▼bRobert  F  Wagner  Graduate  School  of  Public  Service.
■7730  ▼tDissertations  Abstracts  International▼g86-01A.
■790    ▼a0146
■791    ▼aPh.D.
■792    ▼a2024
■793    ▼aEnglish
■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T17162600▼nKERIS▼z이  자료의  원문은  한국교육학술정보원에서  제공합니다.

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