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Slaves Without Masters: The Feudal Imagination and the Critique of Impersonal Domination
Slaves Without Masters: The Feudal Imagination and the Critique of Impersonal Domination
Slaves Without Masters: The Feudal Imagination and the Critique of Impersonal Domination

Detailed Information

자료유형  
 학위논문 서양
최종처리일시  
20250211151318
ISBN  
9798382783482
DDC  
320
저자명  
Halikias, Dimitrios Ioannis.
서명/저자  
Slaves Without Masters: The Feudal Imagination and the Critique of Impersonal Domination
발행사항  
[Sl] : Harvard University, 2024
발행사항  
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2024
형태사항  
366 p
주기사항  
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 85-12, Section: A.
주기사항  
Advisor: Nelson, Eric M.
학위논문주기  
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Harvard University, 2024.
초록/해제  
요약A signal ambition of the liberal political project is the abolition of the arbitrary, capricious rule of man, and the establishment in its place of the impartial, rational rule of law. This dissertation is a study of a complaint that emerges in response to the triumph of this liberal vision of politics. Constitutional government and the market economy do away with the juridical inequality and personal hierarchy associated with medieval feudalism. Instead of delivering emancipation, however, this triumph of liberalism is accused of establishing new forms of depersonalized domination. No longer at the mercy of arbitrary lords or tyrants, modern subjects are said to be oppressed or constrained by systems and structures beyond the will of any recognizable rulers or elites. Liberal subjects, the argument goes, have become slaves without masters.To better understand the origins and nature of this critique, my dissertation turns to a surprising historical tradition: the reinterpretation of medieval feudalism in the hands of nineteenth-century critics of liberal political economy. Feudalism constituted a perfect foil for the new constitutional state and market system. Where liberal societies separate the private from the public, feudalism entailed a unity of political and economic authority. The Middle Ages-long taken by republican and liberal thinkers to be synonymous with the tyrannical rule of man-came to serve as a means of diagnosing the anarchic and impersonal nature of liberal societies. I document how widespread this reinterpretation of feudalism was in the nineteenth century among conservative reactionaries, liberal romantics, and radical socialists. For those attempting to diagnose the new servitude, appeals to feudalism served as a common vessel for wildly divergent moral, economic, and political programs. Chapter one of this dissertation provides an overview of the many uses to which feudal nostalgia was put in the decades following the French Revolution. I trace how English and continental romantics, conservatives, and radicals invoked idealized accounts of feudalism to critique the cold, atomistic, and spiritless nature of modern politics. Chapter two takes up Thomas Carlyle's critique of the anarchic "age of mechanism" and his turn to the "most perfect feudal ages" as an inspiration for a new form of mastery. Chapter three turns to the young Marx and his enigmatic description of medieval feudalism as the "democracy of unfreedom." Attending to Marx's account of the integrated spirit of the Middle Ages helps to clarify what he terms "human emancipation" and "true democracy." Chapter four takes up Alexis de Tocqueville's contrast between the personal, master-servant relations characteristic of aristocratic feudalism and the impersonal, tutelary servitude he fears will arise in democracies. Chapter five offers a critical, conceptual study of the three divergent programs that flow from Carlyle, Marx, and Tocqueville's superficially similar interpretations of medieval feudalism. Chapter six connects this intellectual history with a debate in contemporary political theory concerning the nature of "depoliticization." By critically evaluating rival understandings of that term, I argue that the most philosophically potent meaning of depoliticization is an extension of the slaves-without-masters critique. A liberal demand to minimize the role of arbitrary will and rule and to elevate institutionalized forms of impartial reason leads to an objectionable offloading of responsibility to the market economy and to non-political sites of governance like the bureaucracy and judiciary.
일반주제명  
Political science
일반주제명  
Philosophy
일반주제명  
History
키워드  
Feudalism
키워드  
Impersonal domination
키워드  
Liberalism
키워드  
Tocqueville
키워드  
Political theory
기타저자  
Harvard University Government
기본자료저록  
Dissertations Abstracts International. 85-12A.
전자적 위치 및 접속  
로그인 후 원문을 볼 수 있습니다.

MARC

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■1001  ▼aHalikias,  Dimitrios  Ioannis.▼0(orcid)0000-0002-2610-5578
■24510▼aSlaves  Without  Masters:  The  Feudal  Imagination  and  the  Critique  of  Impersonal  Domination
■260    ▼a[Sl]▼bHarvard  University▼c2024
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■5021  ▼aThesis  (Ph.D.)--Harvard  University,  2024.
■520    ▼aA  signal  ambition  of  the  liberal  political  project  is  the  abolition  of  the  arbitrary,  capricious  rule  of  man,  and  the  establishment  in  its  place  of  the  impartial,  rational  rule  of  law.  This  dissertation  is  a  study  of  a  complaint  that  emerges  in  response  to  the  triumph  of  this  liberal  vision  of  politics.  Constitutional  government  and  the  market  economy  do  away  with  the  juridical  inequality  and  personal  hierarchy  associated  with  medieval  feudalism.  Instead  of  delivering  emancipation,  however,  this  triumph  of  liberalism  is  accused  of  establishing  new  forms  of  depersonalized  domination.  No  longer  at  the  mercy  of  arbitrary  lords  or  tyrants,  modern  subjects  are  said  to  be  oppressed  or  constrained  by  systems  and  structures  beyond  the  will  of  any  recognizable  rulers  or  elites.  Liberal  subjects,  the  argument  goes,  have  become  slaves  without  masters.To  better  understand  the  origins  and  nature  of  this  critique,  my  dissertation  turns  to  a  surprising  historical  tradition:  the  reinterpretation  of  medieval  feudalism  in  the  hands  of  nineteenth-century  critics  of  liberal  political  economy.  Feudalism  constituted  a  perfect  foil  for  the  new  constitutional  state  and  market  system.  Where  liberal  societies  separate  the  private  from  the  public,  feudalism  entailed  a  unity  of  political  and  economic  authority.  The  Middle  Ages-long  taken  by  republican  and  liberal  thinkers  to  be  synonymous  with  the  tyrannical  rule  of  man-came  to  serve  as  a  means  of  diagnosing  the  anarchic  and  impersonal  nature  of  liberal  societies.  I  document  how  widespread  this  reinterpretation  of  feudalism  was  in  the  nineteenth  century  among  conservative  reactionaries,  liberal  romantics,  and  radical  socialists.  For  those  attempting  to  diagnose  the  new  servitude,  appeals  to  feudalism  served  as  a  common  vessel  for  wildly  divergent  moral,  economic,  and  political  programs.  Chapter  one  of  this  dissertation  provides  an  overview  of  the  many  uses  to  which  feudal  nostalgia  was  put  in  the  decades  following  the  French  Revolution.  I  trace  how  English  and  continental  romantics,  conservatives,  and  radicals  invoked  idealized  accounts  of  feudalism  to  critique  the  cold,  atomistic,  and  spiritless  nature  of  modern  politics.  Chapter  two  takes  up  Thomas  Carlyle's  critique  of  the  anarchic  "age  of  mechanism"  and  his  turn  to  the  "most  perfect  feudal  ages"  as  an  inspiration  for  a  new  form  of  mastery.  Chapter  three  turns  to  the  young  Marx  and  his  enigmatic  description  of  medieval  feudalism  as  the  "democracy  of  unfreedom."  Attending  to  Marx's  account  of  the  integrated  spirit  of  the  Middle  Ages  helps  to  clarify  what  he  terms  "human  emancipation"  and  "true  democracy."  Chapter  four  takes  up  Alexis  de  Tocqueville's  contrast  between  the  personal,  master-servant  relations  characteristic  of  aristocratic  feudalism  and  the  impersonal,  tutelary  servitude  he  fears  will  arise  in  democracies.  Chapter  five  offers  a  critical,  conceptual  study  of  the  three  divergent  programs  that  flow  from  Carlyle,  Marx,  and  Tocqueville's  superficially  similar  interpretations  of  medieval  feudalism.  Chapter  six  connects  this  intellectual  history  with  a  debate  in  contemporary  political  theory  concerning  the  nature  of  "depoliticization."  By  critically  evaluating  rival  understandings  of  that  term,  I  argue  that  the  most  philosophically  potent  meaning  of  depoliticization  is  an  extension  of  the  slaves-without-masters  critique.  A  liberal  demand  to  minimize  the  role  of  arbitrary  will  and  rule  and  to  elevate  institutionalized  forms  of  impartial  reason  leads  to  an  objectionable  offloading  of  responsibility  to  the  market  economy  and  to  non-political  sites  of  governance  like  the  bureaucracy  and  judiciary.
■590    ▼aSchool  code:  0084.
■650  4▼aPolitical  science
■650  4▼aPhilosophy
■650  4▼aHistory
■653    ▼aFeudalism
■653    ▼aImpersonal  domination
■653    ▼aLiberalism
■653    ▼aTocqueville
■653    ▼aPolitical  theory
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■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T17161165▼nKERIS▼z이  자료의  원문은  한국교육학술정보원에서  제공합니다.

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