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(Im)Possibilities for Democracy in an All-Charter School District: The Case of New Orleans
(Im)Possibilities for Democracy in an All-Charter School District: The Case of New Orleans
(Im)Possibilities for Democracy in an All-Charter School District: The Case of New Orleans

상세정보

자료유형  
 학위논문 서양
최종처리일시  
20260202104853
ISBN  
9798288814679
DDC  
305.800973
저자명  
Lu, Amanda.
서명/저자  
(Im)Possibilities for Democracy in an All-Charter School District: The Case of New Orleans
발행사항  
[Sl] : Stanford University, 2023
발행사항  
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2023
형태사항  
174 p
주기사항  
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 87-02, Section: A.
주기사항  
Advisor: Stevens, Mitchell.
학위논문주기  
Thesis (Ph.D.)--Stanford University, 2023.
초록/해제  
요약This dissertation examines sociopolitical phenomenon in the New Orleans all-charter school system to make broader claims about how decentralization (the dispersal of state power into smaller entities) and privatization (the involvement of private actors in providing public services) alter the state that structures the society in which we live. Every "public school" in New Orleans is a charter school. Charter schools receive a mix of public and private funding, are privately managed and governed, and have operational autonomy. As an extreme of decentralization and privatization, New Orleans' school system allows us to assess the social and political consequences of pursuing these types of reforms in how we provide public services to citizens in a democratic society. While other research may interrogate charter schools in the contexts of markets, opportunities for innovations, or equity-oriented policy interventions, I instead focus on the ways that charter schools reconfigure the American state apparatus vis-a-vis the destabilization of long-standing public institutions, the involvement of private contractors, decentralized governance, and the introduction of market-based logics. The New Orleans system was built on actions from the state that disproportionately harmed Black people and institutions, destabilized Black communities, and limited Black political power. Previous research on the New Orleans system and market-based school reforms allows me to conceptualize the school system as an event of mass disenfranchisement: Dispossession: Historically Black schools were disproportionately closed in the state takeover process dispossessing Black people of important social, cultural, and political institutions. (Buras, 2011; Buras, 2015; Ewing, 2018; Dixson et al, 2015; Duncan-Shippey, 2019) Exclusion: Black people were systematically excluded from the founding and management of new charter schools opening in the post-Katrina system. (Dixson & Henry, 2016; Henry, 2019; Henry, 2021, Lay & Bauman, 2019; Lay, 2022) Replacement: Black teachers were fired en masse and replaced by a less experienced Whiter teacher labor force. Choice policies and school closures have potentially facilitated the gentrification of Black neighborhoods. (Lincove et al, 2017; Pearman & Swain, 2017; Pearman & Greene, 2022; Tompkins, 2015) Restructuring: Black political power has been diminished as the powers of the elected school board have been delegated to charter school boards with non-elected board members that are not demographically representative of New Orleans. (Kipman, 2011; DeBray et al, 2014; Harris, 2020; Bulkley et al, 2021; Scott; 2015) As one of my informants, Pastor Brenda Square described to me: I think in New Orleans, we're back in 1900, when the early activists had to fight to get schools. Everything we've built has been taken from us and now here we are in 2022. Just as the Supreme Court decision is taking away the rights of women, we have experienced our rights being taken away in terms of public education and government. My research question in this dissertation is a result of thinking through the existing literature, Pastor Square's reflections, and an acknowledgement of people's agency to resist. I ask the broader question: What democratic possibilities exist in highly decentralized and privatized state arrangements? In my first paper, I examine political mobilization around school renamings in New Orleans. I make a theoretical contribution to field theory by examining what motivates certain actors to mobilize around school names. Strategic action fields (Fligstein & McAdam, 2012) model arenas of sociopolitical action. They are dynamic in nature but can also shift. I conceptualize the transition to an all-charter school system as a field shift. Currently, field theory lacks concepts linking successive fields and knowledge about how permanent structures of inequality, such as race, gender, and class, persist through fields. I contribute the idea of a field remnant to help link successive fields and provide a mechanism in which racial inequality between fields in maintained. In my second paper, I interrogate the extremes of institutional power that charter autonomy can afford certain organizations through the case of Lusher Charter School. After becoming a charter school in 2006, Lusher has developed exclusive admission and financial practices that have allowed it to provide a highly-resourced educational experience for a White and wealthy subset of the New Orleans public school population. The school's leadership and governing board also suppress uses of voice by the Lusher community when these practices or the authority of school leaders are questioned. I find that charter autonomy allows Exit, Loyalty, and Voice (Hirschman, 1970) to be manipulated within the institution. My findings on charter autonomy contribute to an ongoing and prescient policy conversation about the status of charter schools as publicly accountable institution. In my final paper, I take a systems-level view of democratic participation in the many spaces of education governance that exist in New Orleans' decentralized school system. Decentralization has been conceived as a potential avenue for localizing decision-making and reinvigorating democratic spaces that a growing public bureaucracy has complicated. However, decentralization is often pursued in tandem with privatization. I use the concept of Deweyan publics as a way to identify groups with similar policy interests. I find that generally publics are absent in decision making around issues of public education in New Orleans, especially in charter board meetings. Though I observe publics can still be consequential, they have new constraints and challenges. Additionally, the reform community in New Orleans can act as a powerful public committed to preserving aspects of the all-charter system that limit the potential for democratic voice. I urge for a conceptualization of localism that accounts for the democratic consequences of privatization. Through this dissertation, I contribute work that urges us to consider the democratic consequences of reforms that reconstruct the American state without preserving democratic institutions. The progress of past generations is at stake, and we can no longer think through narrow policy lenses that do not prioritize our society's democratic values and commitments. It will always be generational work to strive for a better world, but we can ensure that our future generations are given educational systems to improve and not to rebuild.
일반주제명  
White supremacy
일반주제명  
Racism
일반주제명  
Political power
일반주제명  
School closures
일반주제명  
Educational administration
일반주제명  
Educational sociology
일반주제명  
Black studies
키워드  
Sociopolitical phenomenon
키워드  
Black political power
키워드  
Disenfranchisement
기타저자  
Stanford University.
기본자료저록  
Dissertations Abstracts International. 87-02A.
전자적 위치 및 접속  
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■1001  ▼aLu,  Amanda.
■24510▼a(Im)Possibilities  for  Democracy  in  an  All-Charter  School  District:  The  Case  of  New  Orleans
■260    ▼a[Sl]▼bStanford  University▼c2023
■260  1▼aAnn  Arbor▼bProQuest  Dissertations  &  Theses▼c2023
■300    ▼a174  p
■500    ▼aSource:  Dissertations  Abstracts  International,  Volume:  87-02,  Section:  A.
■500    ▼aAdvisor:  Stevens,  Mitchell.
■5021  ▼aThesis  (Ph.D.)--Stanford  University,  2023.
■520    ▼aThis  dissertation  examines  sociopolitical  phenomenon  in  the  New  Orleans  all-charter  school  system  to  make  broader  claims  about  how  decentralization  (the  dispersal  of  state  power  into  smaller  entities)  and  privatization  (the  involvement  of  private  actors  in  providing  public  services)  alter  the  state  that  structures  the  society  in  which  we  live.  Every  "public  school"  in  New  Orleans  is  a  charter  school.  Charter  schools  receive  a  mix  of  public  and  private  funding,  are  privately  managed  and  governed,  and  have  operational  autonomy.  As  an  extreme  of  decentralization  and  privatization,  New  Orleans'  school  system  allows  us  to  assess  the  social  and  political  consequences  of  pursuing  these  types  of  reforms  in  how  we  provide  public  services  to  citizens  in  a  democratic  society.  While  other  research  may  interrogate  charter  schools  in  the  contexts  of  markets,  opportunities  for  innovations,  or  equity-oriented  policy  interventions,  I  instead  focus  on  the  ways  that  charter  schools  reconfigure  the  American  state  apparatus  vis-a-vis  the  destabilization  of  long-standing  public  institutions,  the  involvement  of  private  contractors,  decentralized  governance,  and  the  introduction  of  market-based  logics.  The  New  Orleans  system  was  built  on  actions  from  the  state  that  disproportionately  harmed  Black  people  and  institutions,  destabilized  Black  communities,  and  limited  Black  political  power.  Previous  research  on  the  New  Orleans  system  and  market-based  school  reforms  allows  me  to  conceptualize  the  school  system  as  an  event  of  mass  disenfranchisement:  Dispossession:  Historically  Black  schools  were  disproportionately  closed  in  the  state  takeover  process  dispossessing  Black  people  of  important  social,  cultural,  and  political  institutions.  (Buras,  2011;  Buras,  2015;  Ewing,  2018;  Dixson  et  al,  2015;  Duncan-Shippey,  2019)  Exclusion:  Black  people  were  systematically  excluded  from  the  founding  and  management  of  new  charter  schools  opening  in  the  post-Katrina  system.  (Dixson  &  Henry,  2016;  Henry,  2019;  Henry,  2021,  Lay  &  Bauman,  2019;  Lay,  2022)  Replacement:  Black  teachers  were  fired  en  masse  and  replaced  by  a  less  experienced  Whiter  teacher  labor  force.  Choice  policies  and  school  closures  have  potentially  facilitated  the  gentrification  of  Black  neighborhoods.  (Lincove  et  al,  2017;  Pearman  &  Swain,  2017;  Pearman  &  Greene,  2022;  Tompkins,  2015)  Restructuring:  Black  political  power  has  been  diminished  as  the  powers  of  the  elected  school  board  have  been  delegated  to  charter  school  boards  with  non-elected  board  members  that  are  not  demographically  representative  of  New  Orleans.  (Kipman,  2011;  DeBray  et  al,  2014;  Harris,  2020;  Bulkley  et  al,  2021;  Scott;  2015)  As  one  of  my  informants,  Pastor  Brenda  Square  described  to  me:  I  think  in  New  Orleans,  we're  back  in  1900,  when  the  early  activists  had  to  fight  to  get  schools.  Everything  we've  built  has  been  taken  from  us  and  now  here  we  are  in  2022.  Just  as  the  Supreme  Court  decision  is  taking  away  the  rights  of  women,  we  have  experienced  our  rights  being  taken  away  in  terms  of  public  education  and  government.  My  research  question  in  this  dissertation  is  a  result  of  thinking  through  the  existing  literature,  Pastor  Square's  reflections,  and  an  acknowledgement  of  people's  agency  to  resist.  I  ask  the  broader  question:  What  democratic  possibilities  exist  in  highly  decentralized  and  privatized  state  arrangements?  In  my  first  paper,  I  examine  political  mobilization  around  school  renamings  in  New  Orleans.  I  make  a  theoretical  contribution  to  field  theory  by  examining  what  motivates  certain  actors  to  mobilize  around  school  names.  Strategic  action  fields  (Fligstein  &  McAdam,  2012)  model  arenas  of  sociopolitical  action.  They  are  dynamic  in  nature  but  can  also  shift.  I  conceptualize  the  transition  to  an  all-charter  school  system  as  a  field  shift.  Currently,  field  theory  lacks  concepts  linking  successive  fields  and  knowledge  about  how  permanent  structures  of  inequality,  such  as  race,  gender,  and  class,  persist  through  fields.  I  contribute  the  idea  of  a  field  remnant  to  help  link  successive  fields  and  provide  a  mechanism  in  which  racial  inequality  between  fields  in  maintained.  In  my  second  paper,  I  interrogate  the  extremes  of  institutional  power  that  charter  autonomy  can  afford  certain  organizations  through  the  case  of  Lusher  Charter  School.  After  becoming  a  charter  school  in  2006,  Lusher  has  developed  exclusive  admission  and  financial  practices  that  have  allowed  it  to  provide  a  highly-resourced  educational  experience  for  a  White  and  wealthy  subset  of  the  New  Orleans  public  school  population.  The  school's  leadership  and  governing  board  also  suppress  uses  of  voice  by  the  Lusher  community  when  these  practices  or  the  authority  of  school  leaders  are  questioned.  I  find  that  charter  autonomy  allows  Exit,  Loyalty,  and  Voice  (Hirschman,  1970)  to  be  manipulated  within  the  institution.  My  findings  on  charter  autonomy  contribute  to  an  ongoing  and  prescient  policy  conversation  about  the  status  of  charter  schools  as  publicly  accountable  institution.  In  my  final  paper,  I  take  a  systems-level  view  of  democratic  participation  in  the  many  spaces  of  education  governance  that  exist  in  New  Orleans'  decentralized  school  system.  Decentralization  has  been  conceived  as  a  potential  avenue  for  localizing  decision-making  and  reinvigorating  democratic  spaces  that  a  growing  public  bureaucracy  has  complicated.  However,  decentralization  is  often  pursued  in  tandem  with  privatization.  I  use  the  concept  of  Deweyan  publics  as  a  way  to  identify  groups  with  similar  policy  interests.  I  find  that  generally  publics  are  absent  in  decision  making  around  issues  of  public  education  in  New  Orleans,  especially  in  charter  board  meetings.  Though  I  observe  publics  can  still  be  consequential,  they  have  new  constraints  and  challenges.  Additionally,  the  reform  community  in  New  Orleans  can  act  as  a  powerful  public  committed  to  preserving  aspects  of  the  all-charter  system  that  limit  the  potential  for  democratic  voice.  I  urge  for  a  conceptualization  of  localism  that  accounts  for  the  democratic  consequences  of  privatization.  Through  this  dissertation,  I  contribute  work  that  urges  us  to  consider  the  democratic  consequences  of  reforms  that  reconstruct  the  American  state  without  preserving  democratic  institutions.  The  progress  of  past  generations  is  at  stake,  and  we  can  no  longer  think  through  narrow  policy  lenses  that  do  not  prioritize  our  society's  democratic  values  and  commitments.  It  will  always  be  generational  work  to  strive  for  a  better  world,  but  we  can  ensure  that  our  future  generations  are  given  educational  systems  to  improve  and  not  to  rebuild.
■590    ▼aSchool  code:  0212.
■650  4▼aWhite  supremacy
■650  4▼aRacism
■650  4▼aPolitical  power
■650  4▼aSchool  closures
■650  4▼aEducational  administration
■650  4▼aEducational  sociology
■650  4▼aBlack  studies
■653    ▼aSociopolitical  phenomenon
■653    ▼aBlack  political  power
■653    ▼aDisenfranchisement
■690    ▼a0514
■690    ▼a0325
■690    ▼a0340
■71020▼aStanford  University.
■7730  ▼tDissertations  Abstracts  International▼g87-02A.
■790    ▼a0212
■791    ▼aPh.D.
■792    ▼a2023
■793    ▼aEnglish
■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T17359237▼nKERIS▼z이  자료의  원문은  한국교육학술정보원에서  제공합니다.

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