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Studying Representation Using Methodological Applications
Studying Representation Using Methodological Applications
Studying Representation Using Methodological Applications

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자료유형  
 학위논문 서양
최종처리일시  
20260202105206
ISBN  
9798290954349
DDC  
320
저자명  
Nix, Cara Mae.
서명/저자  
Studying Representation Using Methodological Applications
발행사항  
[Sl] : The Ohio State University, 2024
발행사항  
Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2024
형태사항  
145 p
주기사항  
Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 87-02, Section: A.
주기사항  
Advisor: Minozzi, William;Cranmer, Skyler.
학위논문주기  
Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Ohio State University, 2024.
초록/해제  
요약In this three chapter dissertation, I use innovative applications of methodology to study different forms of representation. In chapter one, I use network science to explore the impact social networks have on legislative effectiveness, specifically considering if social networks can represent more formal legislative networks. In chapter two, I use causal inference to determine if mayors are representing the needs of the electorate and being held accountable for police brutality through the electoral process. Lastly, in chapter three, I use novel redistricting software to study the veracity of equal access to education-specifically testing if educational boundaries accurately represent the underlying student population.Chapter 1: The expanded role of technology in American politics has changed how legislators connect and share information with other legislators, constituents, and the mass public. By comparing and contrasting the formal legislative cosponsorship network for the 115th and 116th sessions of Congress with the more informal Twitter network of interactions between legislators for the same time period I will be able to determine if individuals that are powerful or influential within social media are also central to the legislative process. I will also determine if influence on social media makes one a more effective legislator. Exploring these relationships between legislative Twitter interactions and the cosponsorship network will demonstrate how accurately Twitter is reflecting the power structure and effectiveness of Congresspeople. The results indicate there is a positive and significant relationship between how influential a legislator is within the legislative network and legislative success. Chapter 2: Instances of police brutality have been shown to have a catalyzing effect on the electorate. For example, following the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020 voter turnout in the 2021 mayoral election increased over 53 percent from 2017. However, despite a massive change in turnout indicating the mobilizing effect of police killings, Mayor Jacob Frey still won reelection in 2021. This puzzle of accountability is what I will explore further and put to the test at a national-level. Using data from police killings which occurred in medium and large (greater 50,000 people) cities from 2013-2021 and corresponding mayoral election returns I consider the impact of police brutality on turnout, democratic vote share and incumbency vote choice. I expect to find turnout and democratic vote share in the mayoral election will increase following instances of police brutality. I also expect, relative to cities where there were no instances of police brutality, incumbency percentage will decrease, suggesting mayors are being "punished" for police brutality happening on their watch. However, I expect this effect is not large enough to unseat the incumbent, demonstrating contradictory outcomes: increased mobilization, yet incumbent reelection- indicating a lack of mayoral accountability. I leverage the as-if random timing and location of instances of police brutality to implement a differences in differences design spanning multiple time periods. I also run a supplementary mediation analysis using local awareness as a mediator. Results indicate marginal effects of police killing on turnout, democratic vote share and incumbency support. This research highlights the limitations of elections at holding elected officials accountable for police brutality.Chapter 3: Utilizing cutting-edge geospatial and redistricting technologies, I investigate the impacts of redistricting at the school district and attendance zone level. First, by analyzing the existing boundaries and then by generating alternative districting plans. I explore if current boundaries are giving a specific racial group an educational advantage over another. This "educational gerrymandering" has normative implications as well as empirical realities for student achievement disparities within a state. I focus on educational boundaries within Minnesota, specifically, 79 school districts and 331 attendance zones. Comparing these geographic realities to alternative computer-generated boundaries, I find that, due to histories of red-lining and segregative politics, the existing attendance zones are less racially representative of the underlying population than those computer-generated. A statewide analysis of these educational boundaries allows for data-rich analyses of racial disparities within Minnesota's education system.
일반주제명  
Political science
일반주제명  
Sociology
일반주제명  
Web studies
일반주제명  
Communication
일반주제명  
Education
키워드  
American politics
키워드  
Social networks
키워드  
Legislators
키워드  
Educational gerrymandering
키워드  
Twitter
기타저자  
The Ohio State University Political Science
기본자료저록  
Dissertations Abstracts International. 87-02A.
전자적 위치 및 접속  
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MARC

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■500    ▼aAdvisor:  Minozzi,  William;Cranmer,  Skyler.
■5021  ▼aThesis  (Ph.D.)--The  Ohio  State  University,  2024.
■520    ▼aIn  this  three  chapter  dissertation,  I  use  innovative  applications  of  methodology  to  study  different  forms  of  representation.  In  chapter  one,  I  use  network  science  to  explore  the  impact  social  networks  have  on  legislative  effectiveness,  specifically  considering  if  social  networks  can  represent  more  formal  legislative  networks.  In  chapter  two,  I  use  causal  inference  to  determine  if  mayors  are  representing  the  needs  of  the  electorate  and  being  held  accountable  for  police  brutality  through  the  electoral  process.  Lastly,  in  chapter  three,  I  use  novel  redistricting  software  to  study  the  veracity  of  equal  access  to  education-specifically  testing  if  educational  boundaries  accurately  represent  the  underlying  student  population.Chapter  1:  The  expanded  role  of  technology  in  American  politics  has  changed  how  legislators  connect  and  share  information  with  other  legislators,  constituents,  and  the  mass  public.  By  comparing  and  contrasting  the  formal  legislative  cosponsorship  network  for  the  115th  and  116th  sessions  of  Congress  with  the  more  informal  Twitter  network  of  interactions  between  legislators  for  the  same  time  period  I  will  be  able  to  determine  if  individuals  that  are  powerful  or  influential  within  social  media  are  also  central  to  the  legislative  process.  I  will  also  determine  if  influence  on  social  media  makes  one  a  more  effective  legislator.  Exploring  these  relationships  between  legislative  Twitter  interactions  and  the  cosponsorship  network  will  demonstrate  how  accurately  Twitter  is  reflecting  the  power  structure  and  effectiveness  of  Congresspeople.  The  results  indicate  there  is  a  positive  and  significant  relationship  between  how  influential  a  legislator  is  within  the  legislative  network  and  legislative  success. Chapter  2:  Instances  of  police  brutality  have  been  shown  to  have  a  catalyzing  effect  on  the  electorate.  For  example,  following  the  murder  of  George  Floyd  in  Minneapolis  in  2020  voter  turnout  in  the  2021  mayoral  election  increased  over  53  percent  from  2017.  However,  despite  a  massive  change  in  turnout  indicating  the  mobilizing  effect  of  police  killings,  Mayor  Jacob  Frey  still  won  reelection  in  2021.  This  puzzle  of  accountability  is  what  I  will  explore  further  and  put  to  the  test  at  a  national-level.  Using  data  from  police  killings  which  occurred  in  medium  and  large  (greater  50,000  people)  cities  from  2013-2021  and  corresponding  mayoral  election  returns  I  consider  the  impact  of  police  brutality  on  turnout,  democratic  vote  share  and  incumbency  vote  choice.  I  expect  to  find  turnout  and  democratic  vote  share  in  the  mayoral  election  will  increase  following  instances  of  police  brutality.  I  also  expect,  relative  to  cities  where  there  were  no  instances  of  police  brutality,  incumbency  percentage  will  decrease,  suggesting  mayors  are  being  "punished"  for  police  brutality  happening  on  their  watch.  However,  I  expect  this  effect  is  not  large  enough  to  unseat  the  incumbent,  demonstrating  contradictory  outcomes:  increased  mobilization,  yet  incumbent  reelection-  indicating  a  lack  of  mayoral  accountability.  I  leverage  the  as-if  random  timing  and  location  of  instances  of  police  brutality  to  implement  a  differences  in  differences  design  spanning  multiple  time  periods.  I  also  run  a  supplementary  mediation  analysis  using  local  awareness  as  a  mediator.  Results  indicate  marginal  effects  of  police  killing  on  turnout,  democratic  vote  share  and  incumbency  support.  This  research  highlights  the  limitations  of  elections  at  holding  elected  officials  accountable  for  police  brutality.Chapter  3:  Utilizing  cutting-edge  geospatial  and  redistricting  technologies,  I  investigate  the  impacts  of  redistricting  at  the  school  district  and  attendance  zone  level.  First,  by  analyzing  the  existing  boundaries  and  then  by  generating  alternative  districting  plans.  I  explore  if  current  boundaries  are  giving  a  specific  racial  group  an  educational  advantage  over  another.  This  "educational  gerrymandering"  has  normative  implications  as  well  as  empirical  realities  for  student  achievement  disparities  within  a  state.  I  focus  on  educational  boundaries  within  Minnesota,  specifically,  79  school  districts  and  331  attendance  zones.  Comparing  these  geographic  realities  to  alternative  computer-generated  boundaries,  I  find  that,  due  to  histories  of  red-lining  and  segregative  politics,  the  existing  attendance  zones  are  less  racially  representative  of  the  underlying  population  than  those  computer-generated.  A  statewide  analysis  of  these  educational  boundaries  allows  for  data-rich  analyses  of  racial  disparities  within  Minnesota's  education  system.
■590    ▼aSchool  code:  0168.
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■650  4▼aSociology
■650  4▼aWeb  studies
■650  4▼aCommunication
■650  4▼aEducation
■653    ▼aAmerican  politics
■653    ▼aSocial  networks
■653    ▼aLegislators
■653    ▼aEducational  gerrymandering
■653    ▼aTwitter
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■71020▼aThe  Ohio  State  University▼bPolitical  Science.
■7730  ▼tDissertations  Abstracts  International▼g87-02A.
■790    ▼a0168
■791    ▼aPh.D.
■792    ▼a2024
■793    ▼aEnglish
■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T17359738▼nKERIS▼z이  자료의  원문은  한국교육학술정보원에서  제공합니다.

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