서브메뉴
검색
Studying Representation Using Methodological Applications
Studying Representation Using Methodological Applications
상세정보
- 자료유형
- 학위논문 서양
- 최종처리일시
- 20260202105206
- ISBN
- 9798290954349
- DDC
- 320
- 저자명
- Nix, Cara Mae.
- 서명/저자
- Studying Representation Using Methodological Applications
- 발행사항
- [Sl] : The Ohio State University, 2024
- 발행사항
- Ann Arbor : ProQuest Dissertations & Theses, 2024
- 형태사항
- 145 p
- 주기사항
- Source: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 87-02, Section: A.
- 주기사항
- Advisor: Minozzi, William;Cranmer, Skyler.
- 학위논문주기
- Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Ohio State University, 2024.
- 초록/해제
- 요약In this three chapter dissertation, I use innovative applications of methodology to study different forms of representation. In chapter one, I use network science to explore the impact social networks have on legislative effectiveness, specifically considering if social networks can represent more formal legislative networks. In chapter two, I use causal inference to determine if mayors are representing the needs of the electorate and being held accountable for police brutality through the electoral process. Lastly, in chapter three, I use novel redistricting software to study the veracity of equal access to education-specifically testing if educational boundaries accurately represent the underlying student population.Chapter 1: The expanded role of technology in American politics has changed how legislators connect and share information with other legislators, constituents, and the mass public. By comparing and contrasting the formal legislative cosponsorship network for the 115th and 116th sessions of Congress with the more informal Twitter network of interactions between legislators for the same time period I will be able to determine if individuals that are powerful or influential within social media are also central to the legislative process. I will also determine if influence on social media makes one a more effective legislator. Exploring these relationships between legislative Twitter interactions and the cosponsorship network will demonstrate how accurately Twitter is reflecting the power structure and effectiveness of Congresspeople. The results indicate there is a positive and significant relationship between how influential a legislator is within the legislative network and legislative success. Chapter 2: Instances of police brutality have been shown to have a catalyzing effect on the electorate. For example, following the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020 voter turnout in the 2021 mayoral election increased over 53 percent from 2017. However, despite a massive change in turnout indicating the mobilizing effect of police killings, Mayor Jacob Frey still won reelection in 2021. This puzzle of accountability is what I will explore further and put to the test at a national-level. Using data from police killings which occurred in medium and large (greater 50,000 people) cities from 2013-2021 and corresponding mayoral election returns I consider the impact of police brutality on turnout, democratic vote share and incumbency vote choice. I expect to find turnout and democratic vote share in the mayoral election will increase following instances of police brutality. I also expect, relative to cities where there were no instances of police brutality, incumbency percentage will decrease, suggesting mayors are being "punished" for police brutality happening on their watch. However, I expect this effect is not large enough to unseat the incumbent, demonstrating contradictory outcomes: increased mobilization, yet incumbent reelection- indicating a lack of mayoral accountability. I leverage the as-if random timing and location of instances of police brutality to implement a differences in differences design spanning multiple time periods. I also run a supplementary mediation analysis using local awareness as a mediator. Results indicate marginal effects of police killing on turnout, democratic vote share and incumbency support. This research highlights the limitations of elections at holding elected officials accountable for police brutality.Chapter 3: Utilizing cutting-edge geospatial and redistricting technologies, I investigate the impacts of redistricting at the school district and attendance zone level. First, by analyzing the existing boundaries and then by generating alternative districting plans. I explore if current boundaries are giving a specific racial group an educational advantage over another. This "educational gerrymandering" has normative implications as well as empirical realities for student achievement disparities within a state. I focus on educational boundaries within Minnesota, specifically, 79 school districts and 331 attendance zones. Comparing these geographic realities to alternative computer-generated boundaries, I find that, due to histories of red-lining and segregative politics, the existing attendance zones are less racially representative of the underlying population than those computer-generated. A statewide analysis of these educational boundaries allows for data-rich analyses of racial disparities within Minnesota's education system.
- 일반주제명
- Political science
- 일반주제명
- Sociology
- 일반주제명
- Web studies
- 일반주제명
- Communication
- 일반주제명
- Education
- 키워드
- Social networks
- 키워드
- Legislators
- 키워드
- 기타저자
- The Ohio State University Political Science
- 기본자료저록
- Dissertations Abstracts International. 87-02A.
- 전자적 위치 및 접속
- 로그인 후 원문을 볼 수 있습니다.
MARC
008260126s2024 us c eng d■001000017359738
■00520260202105206
■006m o d
■007cr#unu||||||||
■020 ▼a9798290954349
■035 ▼a(MiAaPQ)AAI32262276
■035 ▼a(MiAaPQ)OhioLINKosu1720634971876183
■040 ▼aMiAaPQ▼cMiAaPQ
■0820 ▼a320
■1001 ▼aNix, Cara Mae.
■24510▼aStudying Representation Using Methodological Applications
■260 ▼a[Sl]▼bThe Ohio State University▼c2024
■260 1▼aAnn Arbor▼bProQuest Dissertations & Theses▼c2024
■300 ▼a145 p
■500 ▼aSource: Dissertations Abstracts International, Volume: 87-02, Section: A.
■500 ▼aAdvisor: Minozzi, William;Cranmer, Skyler.
■5021 ▼aThesis (Ph.D.)--The Ohio State University, 2024.
■520 ▼aIn this three chapter dissertation, I use innovative applications of methodology to study different forms of representation. In chapter one, I use network science to explore the impact social networks have on legislative effectiveness, specifically considering if social networks can represent more formal legislative networks. In chapter two, I use causal inference to determine if mayors are representing the needs of the electorate and being held accountable for police brutality through the electoral process. Lastly, in chapter three, I use novel redistricting software to study the veracity of equal access to education-specifically testing if educational boundaries accurately represent the underlying student population.Chapter 1: The expanded role of technology in American politics has changed how legislators connect and share information with other legislators, constituents, and the mass public. By comparing and contrasting the formal legislative cosponsorship network for the 115th and 116th sessions of Congress with the more informal Twitter network of interactions between legislators for the same time period I will be able to determine if individuals that are powerful or influential within social media are also central to the legislative process. I will also determine if influence on social media makes one a more effective legislator. Exploring these relationships between legislative Twitter interactions and the cosponsorship network will demonstrate how accurately Twitter is reflecting the power structure and effectiveness of Congresspeople. The results indicate there is a positive and significant relationship between how influential a legislator is within the legislative network and legislative success. Chapter 2: Instances of police brutality have been shown to have a catalyzing effect on the electorate. For example, following the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in 2020 voter turnout in the 2021 mayoral election increased over 53 percent from 2017. However, despite a massive change in turnout indicating the mobilizing effect of police killings, Mayor Jacob Frey still won reelection in 2021. This puzzle of accountability is what I will explore further and put to the test at a national-level. Using data from police killings which occurred in medium and large (greater 50,000 people) cities from 2013-2021 and corresponding mayoral election returns I consider the impact of police brutality on turnout, democratic vote share and incumbency vote choice. I expect to find turnout and democratic vote share in the mayoral election will increase following instances of police brutality. I also expect, relative to cities where there were no instances of police brutality, incumbency percentage will decrease, suggesting mayors are being "punished" for police brutality happening on their watch. However, I expect this effect is not large enough to unseat the incumbent, demonstrating contradictory outcomes: increased mobilization, yet incumbent reelection- indicating a lack of mayoral accountability. I leverage the as-if random timing and location of instances of police brutality to implement a differences in differences design spanning multiple time periods. I also run a supplementary mediation analysis using local awareness as a mediator. Results indicate marginal effects of police killing on turnout, democratic vote share and incumbency support. This research highlights the limitations of elections at holding elected officials accountable for police brutality.Chapter 3: Utilizing cutting-edge geospatial and redistricting technologies, I investigate the impacts of redistricting at the school district and attendance zone level. First, by analyzing the existing boundaries and then by generating alternative districting plans. I explore if current boundaries are giving a specific racial group an educational advantage over another. This "educational gerrymandering" has normative implications as well as empirical realities for student achievement disparities within a state. I focus on educational boundaries within Minnesota, specifically, 79 school districts and 331 attendance zones. Comparing these geographic realities to alternative computer-generated boundaries, I find that, due to histories of red-lining and segregative politics, the existing attendance zones are less racially representative of the underlying population than those computer-generated. A statewide analysis of these educational boundaries allows for data-rich analyses of racial disparities within Minnesota's education system.
■590 ▼aSchool code: 0168.
■650 4▼aPolitical science
■650 4▼aSociology
■650 4▼aWeb studies
■650 4▼aCommunication
■650 4▼aEducation
■653 ▼aAmerican politics
■653 ▼aSocial networks
■653 ▼aLegislators
■653 ▼aEducational gerrymandering
■653 ▼aTwitter
■690 ▼a0615
■690 ▼a0459
■690 ▼a0646
■690 ▼a0515
■690 ▼a0626
■71020▼aThe Ohio State University▼bPolitical Science.
■7730 ▼tDissertations Abstracts International▼g87-02A.
■790 ▼a0168
■791 ▼aPh.D.
■792 ▼a2024
■793 ▼aEnglish
■85640▼uhttp://www.riss.kr/pdu/ddodLink.do?id=T17359738▼nKERIS▼z이 자료의 원문은 한국교육학술정보원에서 제공합니다.


